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In Japanese mythology, the gods display human emotions, such as love
and anger. In these stories, behavior that results in positive relations
with others is rewarded, and empathy, identifying oneself with another, is
highly valued. By contrast, those actions that are antisocial, or that
harm others, are condemned. Hurtful behavior is punished in the myths by
ostracizing the offender.
No society can exist that tolerates significant antisocial behavior in
the long term, but Japan is among the societies that most strongly rely on
social rather than supernatural sanctions and emphasize the benefits of
harmony. Japanese children learn from their earliest days that human
fulfillment comes from close association with others. Children learn early
to recognize that they are part of an interdependent society, beginning in
the family and later extending to larger groups such as neighborhood,
school, community, and workplace. Dependence on others is a natural part
of the human condition; it is viewed negatively only when the social
obligations it creates are too onerous to fulfill.
In interpersonal relationships, most Japanese tend to avoid open
competition and confrontation. Working with others requires self-control,
but it carries the rewards of pride in contributing to the group,
emotional security, and social identity. Wa, the notion of harmony within
a group, requires an attitude of cooperation and a recognition of social
roles. If each individual in the group understands personal obligations
and empathizes with the situations of others, then the group as a whole
benefits. Success can come only if all put forth their best individual
efforts. Decisions are often made only after consulting with everyone in
the group. Consensus does not imply that there has been universal
agreement, but this style of consultative decision making involves each
member of the group in an information exchange, reinforces feelings of
group identity, and makes implementation of the decision smoother.
Cooperation within a group also is often focused on competition between
that group and a parallel one, whether the issue is one of educational
success or market share. Symbols such as uniforms, names, banners, and
songs identify the group as distinct from others both to outsiders and to
those within the group. Participation in group activities, whether
official or unofficial, is a symbolic statement that an individual wishes
to be considered part of the group. Thus, after-work bar hopping provides
not only instrumental opportunities for the exchange of information and
release of social tensions but also opportunities to express nonverbally a
desire for continued affiliation.
Working in a group in Japan requires the development of successful
channels of communication, which reinforce group interdependence, and the
sense of difference from those who are not members of the group. Yet
social interaction beyond that which occurs with individuals with whom one
lives and works is a necessity in contemporary society. If the exchange is
brief and relatively insignificant, such as buying a newspaper, anonymity
will be maintained. But if the relationship is expected to continue over a
long period, whether in business, marriage, employment, or neighborhood,
great care is likely to be invested in establishing and maintaining good
relationships. Such relationships are often begun by using the social
networks of a relative, friend, or colleague who can provide an
introduction to the desired person or serve as nakodo (go-between). The
nakodo most often refers to the person (or people) who negotiates marriage
arrangements, including checking each family's background, conveying
questions and criticisms, and smoothing out difficulties. But this kind of
personal mediation is common in many aspects of Japanese life.
Group membership in Japan provides enjoyment and fulfillment, but it
also causes tremendous tension. An ideology of group harmony does not
ensure harmony in fact. Japan is an extremely competitive society, yet
competition within the group must be suppressed. Minor issues are
sometimes dealt with by appeals to higher authority, but they may well
smolder unresolved for years. Major problems may be denied, especially to
outsiders, but may result in factions or in the fissioning of the group.
It is often the individual, however, who bears the burden of these
interpersonal tensions. This burden is reflected in high rates of alcohol
consumption and of minor, sometimes psychosomatic, illnesses. Many
Japanese cope with these stresses by retreating into the private self or
by enjoying the escapism offered by much of the popular culture.
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